Friday, February 22, 2013

Immigrants, advocates grow impatient with Obama on pace of changes to laws




Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano had just begun her remarks to a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on immigration when the first protester leapt to his feet.
“You have destroyed our community!” he shouted. Others in the audience joined him, chanting, “Stop the deportations!”
The anger at President Obama’s deportation policies among some of his otherwise most ardent allies could pose a surprising complication in coming weeks to the delicate negotiations to overhaul the nation’s immigration system that are now underway.
The Obama administration has deported more illegal immigrants than any in history, provoking deep political tensions that could narrow the president’s ability to make concessions Republicans will likely demand as part of a comprehensive deal.
Latinos are widely credited with helping Obama win reelection last November, and there is high optimism among advocates about the prospects for immigration changes championed by the president.
But the deep resentment over deportations on display at the Senate hearing last week has bubbled up repeatedly as Obama and his allies have tried to devise a coordinated strategy to push an immigration bill through Congress.
In a private meeting with Obama at the White House earlier this month, officials with the nation’s leading immigration groups confronted the president directly.
One advocate told the president that the Hispanic community was “demoralized” by ongoing deportations, according the several participants who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the off-the-record meeting.
Most of the attention on the possible pitfalls ahead for the immigration effort have focused on the likelihood that Republicans will balk at legislation that provides a path to citizenship for millions of illegal immigrants.
But the continued tension between Obama and immigrant groups could inject a different set of difficulties for the White House.
“In a sense, the president is on borrowed time,” said Chris Newman, legal director of the National Day Laborer Organizing Network.
Newman said that for many immigrants, Obama’s policies were clearly preferable to Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney, but “that doesn’t erase the fact that there is tremendous apprehension about the dissonance between the president’s rhetoric and his policies.”
Under Obama, about 400,000 illegal immigrants have been deported each year, a record rate. Administration officials contend the high numbers are linked to a massive expansion of resources devoted to immigration enforcement appropriated by Congress before Obama took office.
Administration officials say they’ve put in place policies that better prioritize deportation efforts, focusing on immigrants who have committed serious crimes, people who just recently crossed the border and others who had been caught repeatedly violating immigration laws.
Napolitano told senators last week that 55 percent of those removed in 2012 had been convicted of felonies or misdemeanors and 96 percent fell within one of the agency’s priority categories.
And last summer, Obama announced his administration would stop deporting many young adults who were brought to the country illegally as children and had committed no other crimes, a move that came partly in response to years of complaints from his immigrant supporters.
“This is something I’ve struggled with throughout my presidency,” Obama told an activist who asked during a Google chat last week what the president would do to stop families from being split by deportations while the congressional debate inches forward.
“The problem is that, you know, I’m the president of the United States. I’m not the emperor of the United States. My job is to execute laws that are passed. And Congress right now has not changed what I consider to be a broken immigration system,” he said.
”We’ve kind of stretched our administrative flexibility as much as we can,” he added. “That’s why making sure that we get comprehensive immigration reform done is so important.”
Asked once again in an interview Wednesday with the San Antonio Univision affiliate about the deportations, Obama offered a blunt answer: “At this point, I need Congress to act.”
A new Pew Research/USA Today poll shows in the wake of his recent legislative efforts, Obama’s approval rating among Latinos is at 73 percent, up from 48 percent in late 2011 amid disillusionment at the pace of progress toward legal change.
Still, the continued wariness about deportations may help explain the impatience Obama has telegraphed to Congress about the need for quick action on changes to immigration laws.
Members of a bipartisan group of eight Senators have been working on an immigration bill that they hope to submit for hearings in March. But President Obama has repeatedly insisted that if their efforts drag, he will submit his own bill to Congress.
The seriousness of that pledge was demonstrated over the weekend, as a draft of Obama’s back-up bill — including a somewhat easier path to citizenship for the nation’s 11 million illegal immigrants than what the Senate group has discussed — was leaked to USA Today. Republicans complained that the emergence of White House plan made the bipartisan talks more difficult.
At the same time, in the delicate dance of Washington negotiations, the public pressure from immigrants could also help Democrats win what they consider a better deal, by providing a pointed reminder to Republicans more interested in the demands of their conservative base that Democrats face pressures of their own from supporters.
“I’d be naive if I didn’t think pressure from the left helps us at the bargaining table,” said Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), a member of the Senate’s bipartisan working group who asked Napolitano pointed questions about the administration’s stepped-up deportations at last week’s hearing.
“We hear every meeting about pressure from the right. We have to be sure everyone is sensitive to the need to make concessions,” Durbin said in an interview.
The administration has long touted its stepped-up enforcement efforts, partly in an attempt to defuse Republican arguments that immigration change must wait until the border is more secure. Advocates believe that effort is bound to be futile.
Indeed, the argument has largely failed to persuade those who believe the system remains problematically porous and that the current debate is likely to result in amnesty for people who came to the country illegally.
Opponents, such as Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), argue that the Obama administration has inflated deportation statistics by including those caught at the border and returned home along with those arrested farther inside the United States.
Sessions contended that the anger from activists is part of a coordinated campaign to create the impression that Obama has cracked down on illegal immigration, even as the administration introduces what he termed “backdoor amnesty.”
“It is truly odd that we live in a time when the Executive Branch takes more seriously the protests of illegals against even weak enforcement of the law than it does the concerns of sworn law officers,” he said in a statement.
But immigrants and their advocates say despite public promises that criminals are being prioritized for deportation, on the ground, thousands of others are being caught up as well.
That was a central point of activists who raised the issue with Obama at the White House, spending the last 10 minutes of their off-the-record meeting urging the president to ensure his administration is following its own policies.
“I actually don’t trust them,” Natally Cruz, 24, an advocate from Phoenix arrested for protesting at last week’s Senate panel, said of Obama.
Cruz, who was brought to the country illegally when she was 8, was recently accepted for the administration’s new deferral program for young adults. But she said her mother could still be deported, and her uncle was swept up in a raid days before the hearing.
“I heard this four years ago, that there would be an immigration reform,” she said. “They talk and talk. All I see is more people being deported every day.”
Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez (D-Ill.), a longtime advocate of immigration changes, said people like him face a quandary.
They want to advocate on behalf of people like Cruz, even as they understand the need not to undermine the president’s leadership.
“He’s the quarterback of this,” Gutierrez said. “Do you nit at him at the same time?”
Peter Wallsten contributed to this report.
Discuss this topic and other political issues in the Post’s Politics Discussion Forums.

What are some other Famous / Cliche Sayings?

You can lead a horse to water but you can't make him drink.

A stitch, in time, saves nine.

A penny saved is a penny earned.

Where there's a will there's a way.

A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.

The grass is always greener on the other side of the fence.

No news is good news.

It's better to light a candle than curse the darkness.

It's always darkest just before the dawn.

There are plenty of other fish in the sea.

There's a silver lining to every cloud.

There's nothing to fear but fear itself.

If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen.

The squeaky wheel gets the grease.

Don't count your chickens until they hatch.

A watched pot never boils.

Beggars can't be choosers.

A rolling stone gathers no moss.

Birds of a feather flock together.

Many hands make light work.

Too many cooks spoil the broth.

A chain is only as strong as its weakest link.

A fool and his money are soon parted.

Neither a borrower nor a lender be.

If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen.

Good things come to those who wait.

Early to bed and early to rise makes a man health, wealthy and wise.

If wishes were horses, beggars would ride.

You can't teach an old dog new tricks.

Wednesday, February 20, 2013

some interesting links

http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/technology/crowdfunding-from-your-smartphone/2013/02/19/9e034aa4-7ad9-11e2-82e8-61a46c2cde3d_story.html

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/capital-business/post/in-two-hours-crowdfunding-effort-draws-308000-of-interest-in-7th-street-building/2013/01/23/a77264bc-658f-11e2-85f5-a8a9228e55e7_blog.html

http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/on-small-business/how-popularise-brought-crowdsourcing-to-dcs-commercial-real-estate-market/2012/06/01/gJQA0bf46U_story_2.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crowdsourcing

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amazon_Mechanical_Turk

Tuesday, February 19, 2013

Tech Predictions for 2013: It’s All About Mobile

If there is one theme that will be the topic of digital business this year, it is mobile.
ComScore, which tracks Web and mobile usage, published a report about what happened in 2012, and what to expect in 2013.
It shows that the effects of a movement toward mobile are everywhere, from shopping to media to search. According to the report, “2013 could spell a very rocky economic transition,” and businesses will have to scramble to stay ahead of consumers’ changing behavior.
Here are a few interesting tidbits from the 48-page report.
The mobile transition is happening astonishingly quickly. Last year, smartphone penetration crossed 50 percent for the first time, led by Android phones. People spend 63 percent of their time online on desktop computers and 37 percent on mobile devices, including smartphones and tablets, according to comScore.
Just as they compete on computers, Facebook and Google are dominant and at each other’s throats on phones.
Google’s map app for the iPhone, which had been the most used mobile app, lost its No. 1 spot to Facebook after Apple kicked Google’s maps off the iPhone in October. Now, Facebook reaches 76 percent of the smartphone market and accounts for 23 percent of total time spent using apps each month. The next five most used apps are Google’s, which account for 10 percent of time on apps.
As smartphone use continues to increase, companies such as Google must compete to secure influence in the app market.Justin Sullivan/Getty Images As smartphone use continues to increase, companies such as Google must compete to secure influence in the app market.
As mobile continues to take share from desktop, some industries have been particularly affected, and they are seeing significant declines in desktop use of their products as a result. They are newspapers, search engines, maps, weather, comparison shopping, directories and instant messenger services.
The most visited Web sites are not so surprising: Google, Yahoo, Microsoft, Facebook and Amazon. Facebook continues to take up most of our time online.
But there were a few surprises from younger, smaller Web companies. Tumblr was No. 8 on the list of sites, ordered by time spent on them. And several Web sites were breakout hits last year, as measured by growth and visitor numbers: Spotify (music), Dropbox (online storage), Etsy (shopping), BuzzFeed (news), JustFab (shopping), SoundCloud (music) and BusinessInsider (news).
Search, one of the biggest and most reliable Web industries, is at a crossroads, comScore said. Even though the search market continues to be extraordinarily profitable, there is a desire for it to evolve and offer new services to users.
Here is some evidence: Searches on traditional search engines, dominated by Google, declined 3 percent last year, and the number of searches per searcher declined 7 percent. Yet searches on specialty sites, known as vertical search engines, like Amazon.com or Whitepages.com, climbed 8 percent.
Social search, based on what users’ friends like, has put Facebook and Google on a “collision course,” comScore said, particularly in searches for local businesses like restaurants.
In social networking, the visual Web, as comScore calls it, has transformed the landscape. Pinterest, Tumblr and Instagram, all of which emphasize images, each gained more than 10 million visitors last year.
Last year was also pivotal for online video, comScore said, as viewers increasingly seek the ability to watch video when and where they want. Watching TV shows online helped last year break viewing records, especially during the Olympics.
In the United States, 75 million people a day watch online video and stream 40 billion videos a month, and viewing is driven by YouTube.
There has also been a turning point for video ads. They cost more than typical ads, and have always lagged behind viewership. But in 2012, 23 percent of videos were accompanied by an ad, up from 14 percent the year before. More TV ad dollars are coming to online video, comScore concluded.
Though e-commerce spending grew 13 percent last year, it was a disappointing holiday season online, largely because of economic pressures. Purchasing on mobile phones is beginning to make a dent in e-commerce, comScore said, with mobile shopping accounting for 11 percent of e-commerce in the fourth quarter of 2012, up from 3 percent in the period two years earlier.

Other countries court skilled immigrants frustrated by U.S. visa laws



CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — The contraption sits in a basement lab at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, a mishmash of hoses, wires, whirring pumps and a 12-foot-high plastic tower filled with steam and dripping water, all set on plastic milk crates.
It looks like a high school science project, but it was developed by two postdoctoral mechanical engineers at MIT. And it just might be a breakthrough that creates wealth and jobs in the United States and transforms the white-hot industry of oil and natural gas hydraulic fracturing, or fracking.
That is, as long as the foreign-born inventors aren’t forced to leave the country.
Anurag Bajpayee and Prakash Narayan Govindan, both from India, have started a company to sell the system to oil businesses that are desperate for a cheaper, cleaner way to dispose of the billions of gallons of contaminated water produced by fracking.
Oil companies have flown them to Texas and North Dakota. They say they are about to close on millions of dollars in financing, and they expect to hire 100 employees in the next couple of years. Scientific American magazine called water-decontamination technology developed by Bajpayee one of the top 10 “world-changing ideas” of 2012.
But their student visas expire soon, both before summer, and because of the restrictive U.S. visa system, they may have to move their company to India or another country. “We love it here,” said Bajpayee, a cheerful 27-year-old in an argyle sweater and jeans. “But there are so many hoops you have to jump through. And you risk getting deported while you are creating jobs.”
Much of the immigration debate in Washington has centered on the 11 million undocumented migrants in the country. But, from the halls of MIT to the boardrooms of Silicon Valley, business and academic leaders are more focused on what they call an even greater threat to the U.S. economy: immigration laws that chase away highly skilled foreigners educated in U.S. universities, often with degrees funded by U.S. taxpayers.
While other countries are actively recruiting foreign-born U.S. graduates, the United States has strict limits on visas for highly skilled workers that often put them on waiting lists of many years. And unlike Canada and other countries, the United States offers no specific visa for young entrepreneurs like Bajpayee and Narayan who want to start a business in America.
“We train these people and then we push them away, while Chile and the U.K. and Canada are coming in to recruit them,” said Bill Aulet, managing director of the Martin Trust Center for MIT Entrepreneurship. “These are people who are creating jobs. It is so outrageous to me.”
Solution is gridlocked
The situation exemplifies the worst in Washington gridlock: Even when both sides agree on something, they can’t agree on how to make it happen.
President Obama supports making it easier for foreigners who earn master’s degrees or PhDs at U.S. universities to get green cards, as does a bipartisan group of U.S. senators working on reform. A solution is stuck in partisan infighting, however, over how to craft comprehensive reforms that address both skilled and unskilled immigrants.
Republicans have proposed increasing the number of visas for skilled immigrants by cutting the number available for unskilled immigrants — a trade-off that Democrats oppose.
Obama and some in Congress have also proposed creating a “start-up visa” for foreign entrepreneurs, similar to what Canada and other countries offer. Many applaud this plan, but not all.
“It’s a stupid idea,” said Mark Krikorian of the Center for Immigration Studies, which supports tighter immigration controls. “What is an entrepreneur? Businesses come and go.”
That kind of talk is heresy in Silicon Valley, where business leaders have begged the government for more-welcoming immigration laws. The biggest obstacle to growth in America’s tech industry, they say, is a desperate shortage of highly skilled workers in the STEM fields: science, technology, engineering and mathematics.
“No matter how many visas they gave out, those people would all get jobs and we would still need more,” said Margit Wennmachers, a partner at Andreessen Horowitz, a major venture-capital firm in Silicon Valley. “It’s not like we need 10,000. I think we could do with a million and still be hungry.”
According to a study by the Brookings Institution, about half of all PhDs working in science and technology are foreign-born. And about 40 percent of all MIT graduate students are from other countries.
Leon Sandler, executive director of MIT’s Deshpande Center for Technical Innovation, said it costs about $250,000 to educate a single PhD student and the U.S. government pays for at least 80 percent of MIT’s graduate research.
“Essentially we are funding their research, spending a quarter-million dollars in taxpayer money; then we make it hard for these people to stay here,” said Sandler, whose group helps start-ups and provided nearly $150,000 to support Bajpayee and Narayan. “If you want more innovation in this country, fix the visa situation.”
A global bidding war
Countries from Canada to Germany to Australia to Singapore are enthusiastically courting foreign entrepreneurs with relatively easy visas. Some offer cash.
China has given bonuses of up to $150,000 to thousands of highly skilled expatriates who have come home to work or start businesses. Chile is luring top talent with $40,000 in capital, free office space and a quick visa through its “Start-up Chile” program.
Officials said the program has had more than 5,600 applicants since it started in 2010; it has accepted more than 1,000 entrepreneurs from 51 countries. The program has attracted dozens of foreign-born graduates of U.S. universities, who have started 47 businesses there.
On April 1, Canada plans to launch a start-up visa program giving entrepreneurs immediate permanent residence. Citizenship and Immigration Minister Jason Kenney told reporters last month that the program was designed, in part, to poach foreigners from the United States.
“We see the bright, young, international tech developers in the U.S. who are stuck on temporary visas as an immediate market, if you will, for this program,” Kenney said at a Jan. 25 news conference in Toronto.
Many foreign governments and companies are actively recruiting in U.S. centers of higher education from Cambridge, Mass., to Stanford, Calif., offering top graduates alternatives to the expensive, lengthy, difficult and, some say, even hostile U.S. visa system.
Switzerland, for example, has a “science consulate” with a sleek, modern storefront on a street between MIT and Harvard devoted to promoting Swiss companies and universities to top students.
A Silicon Valley company, Blueseed, has proposed a novel way to skirt U.S. immigration laws: It is trying to create a tech hub on a leased cruise ship in international waters 12 miles off the California coast. Entrepreneurs could run their start-ups there with no need for a visa, and ferry to Silicon Valley on visitor visas to meet with investors or clients.
More than 1,000 entrepreneurs from 64 countries have expressed interest, and investors have put up more than $400,000, said Blueseed executive Dario Mutabdzija, a U.S. citizen who came to the United States as a refugee from the former Yugoslavia.
“The current U.S. laws are not appropriate for the current economic reality,” Mutabdzija said. “Blueseed has become a poster child for that.”
Other options elsewhere
Bajpayee and Narayan want to stay in the United States. They don’t want to move to Chile or Israel or Singapore, which seem too small and too far from their main markets in the U.S. oil and gas fields. But, they said, if they can’t legally stay in the United States, they have other options to consider.
Their biggest financial backer is Indian and is pressuring them to build their company at home. Chinese investors want them to locate in China. Brazilian mining company officials have called, too, hoping to lure them to Brazil. They have thought about moving to Australia.
“If it doesn’t happen in the U.S.,” Narayan said, “we will make it happen somewhere else.”
Bajpayee came to the United States from India 10 years ago, when he was 18, drawn by the dream of attending a U.S. university. He ended up at the University of Missouri because his uncle lived nearby.
At first his English needed work, and he didn’t understand many of the jokes his new American friends were making. So he said he started watching American movies, sometimes three a day. “Forrest Gump.” “The Godfather.” “American Pie.” “Animal House.” Anything starring Will Ferrell.
By the time classes began in the fall, he said, he had watched 85 films and could make his own jokes in fluent American English.
“Living in the middle of Missouri really forced me to learn the language and the culture,” he said. “In New York or California, there are lots of Indian people. But in southern Missouri, there were just lots of nice Missouri farm boys. You have to learn to enjoy a football game.”
He earned a bachelor’s degree in mechanical engineering in three years, then was accepted at MIT, where he finished a master’s and earned his PhD last summer. His research was paid for partly by U.S. government grants and partly by the Deshpande Center.
During his studies, he worked with a professor who was researching the freezing of human cells. They were looking for a way to remove moisture from cells so they could be frozen without damage.
Bajpayee discovered that one of the processes they were using was unexpectedly effective at removing contaminants from water. A professor asked him: Could that technique be used to desalinate seawater or clean contaminated water, perhaps producing drinking water on a large scale?
“At MIT, no idea is too wild or too revolutionary to consider,” said Bajpayee, who exudes an inventor’s optimism and a salesman’s charm. “And this worked.”
Narayan, 28, came to MIT in 2008 and was working on his own water-purification research when he met Bajpayee. Much more reserved than his gregarious partner, he had grown up in southern India in an apartment building with no running water. He said his life’s dream was to create a cheap way to provide safe drinking water to millions of people.
The two engineers pooled their efforts. Their plan is to first market Narayan’s system, the one bubbling away in the MIT basement, and keep working to perfect Bajpayee’s.
They said their systems could make fracking more cost-efficient and environmentally safe. Robert MacKenzie, an oil industry analyst with FBR Capital Markets, said oil companies create seven barrels of wastewater for every barrel of oil they produce. If Bajpayee and Narayan have found a way to fully clean that wastewater, cheaply and on an industrial scale, MacKenzie said, “That could be the Holy Grail.”
Business dreams at risk
When he arrived in the United States, Bajpayee was issued a five-year student visa, which he renewed for a second five years. It expires in May.
Now, with a business and millions of dollars of financing on the line, he wants the security of permanent residency. But all his routes to a green card are difficult.
Last September, after he finished his PhD, he was granted one year of Optional Practical Training (OPT), for those on student visas, which allows him to stay in the United States for a few months longer. He could apply for an OPT extension for 17 months more, an option open to people with degrees in the STEM fields.
But that comes with a tough restriction: After his student visa expires in May, if he left the United States for any reason — to visit family, to attend a business meeting — he would have to go back to India to apply for a new student visa.
The law says that people on student visas must intend to leave the country after their studies end. But because Bajpayee has started a company in the United States, lawyers tell him he could easily be denied a new student visa.
The most common visa for high-skilled immigrant workers is the H1-B, for foreigners working at a U.S. firm. But immigration lawyers said the government often denies those visas for people working for businesses they started themselves — so Bajpayee would probably be rejected.
His most promising option, he said, would be to apply for an EB-1 visa for people who have “extraordinary ability.” Those visas are among the most difficult to get. They require applicants to show that they are “one of a small percentage who have risen to the very top” of their field. They must have won a “major, internationally recognized award,” such as a Pulitzer Prize, an Oscar or an Olympic medal. If they have no such award, they must have been published in prestigious scientific journals or have made other extraordinary contributions in their field.
Of the 140,000 employment-based immigrant visas given each year, only about 2 percent are in that category.
Bajpayee and Narayan have systematic plans for how to perfect their product, manufacture it, sell it and grow their business. But when it comes to getting a green card, their strategies are less scientific.
“Prayer,” said Narayan.
“My strategy,” Bajpayee said, “is to get the best possible lawyer in Boston and pay them as much money as they desire.”

Monday, February 18, 2013

Pope Benedict XVI’s leaked documents show fractured Vatican full of rivalries

Pope Benedict XVI’s leaked documents show fractured Vatican full of rivalries

VATICAN CITY — Guests at the going-away party for Carlo Maria Viganò couldn’t understand why the archbishop looked so forlorn. Pope Benedict XVI had appointed Viganò ambassador to the United States, a plum post where he would settle into a stately mansion on Massachusetts Avenue, across the street from the vice president’s residence.
“He went through the ordeal making it very clear he was unhappy with it,” said one former ambassador to the Vatican, who attended the Vatican Gardens ceremony in the late summer of 2011. “And we just couldn’t figure out, us outsiders and non-Italians, what was going on.”
Graphic
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Click Here to View Full Graphic Story
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Video
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
There was no such confusion within Vatican walls. Benedict had installed Viganò to enact a series of reforms within the Vatican. But some of Rome’s highest-ranking cardinals undercut the efforts and hastened Viganò’s exile to the United States.
Viganò’s plight and other unflattering machinations would soon become public in an unprecedented leak of the pontiff’s personal correspondence. Much of the media — and the Vatican — focused on the source of the shocking security breach. Largely lost were the revelations contained in the letters themselves — tales of rivalry and betrayal, and allegations of corruption and systemic dysfunction that infused the inner workings of the Holy See and the eight-year papacy of Benedict XVI. Last week, he announced that he will become the first pope in nearly 600 years to resign.
The next pope may bring with him an invigorating connection to the Southern Hemisphere, a media magnetism or better leadership skills than the shy and cerebral Benedict. But whoever he may be, the 266th pope will inherit a gerontocracy obsessed with turf and Italian politics, uninterested in basic management practices and hostile to reforms.
VatiLeaks, as the scandal came to be known, dragged the fusty institution into the wild WikiLeaks era. It exposed the church bureaucracy’s entrenched opposition to Benedict’s fledgling effort to carve out a legacy as a reformer against the backdrop of a global child sex abuse scandal and the continued dwindling of his flock.
It showed how Benedict, a weak manager who may most be remembered for the way in which he left office, was no match for a culture that rejected even a modicum of transparency and preferred a damage-control campaign that diverted attention from the institution’s fundamental problems. Interviews in Rome with dozens of church officials, Vatican insiders and foreign government officials close to the church, many of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, mapped out that hermetic universe.
“We can reveal the face of the church and how this face is, at times, disfigured,” Benedict said in his final homily on Ash Wednesday. “I am thinking in particular of the sins against the unity of the church, of the divisions in the body of the church.” He called for his ministry to overcome “individualism” and “rivalry,” saying they were only for those “who have distanced themselves from the faith.”

A radical transformation of the culture is unlikely. “We’re talking about people who have given their life to this institution, but at the same time the institution has become their life,” said one senior Vatican official. “Unlike parish priests, who have the personal rewards that come with everyday contact, their lot is not as human. It’s bureaucratic, but it becomes all-consuming.”
The entire debacle, he said, “wasn’t a communications crisis. It was a management crisis.”
Graphic
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Click Here to View Full Graphic Story
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Video
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
****
The leak came from within the pope’s inner sanctum. On most mornings, the pope’s butler, Paolo Gabriele, left his apartment, just inside the Vatican walls, before 7 a.m. He walked past the plumed Swiss Guards and into the Apostolic Palace, where he worked in the third-floor papal apartments. His black gelled hair, dark suits and fleshy cheeks became so familiar around the Vatican Gardens that clerics affectionately called him Paoletto.
“I was the layman closest to the Holy Father,” Gabriele would later say. “There to respond to his immediate needs.”
The official duties for the married father of three included laying out Benedict’s white vestments and red shoes, serving his decaf coffee and riding with the pontiff in the popemobile. Unofficial chores included absconding with copies of the pope’s personal correspondence, including letters from Viganò, whose grievances Gabriele found especially compelling.
The butler read letters fleshing out how Viganò, an ambitious enforcer of Benedict’s good government reforms, had earned powerful enemies. In early 2011, a series of hostile anonymous articles attacking Viganò began appearing in the Italian media. Under duress, Viganò appealed to the pope’s powerful second in command, Secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone. Bertone was not sympathetic and instead echoed the articles’ complaints about his rough management style and removed Viganò from his post.
This set in motion a blizzard of letters that passed through the office Gabriele shared with the pope’s personal secretary. In one missive, Viganò wrote to Bertone accusing him of getting in the way of the pope’s reform mission; he also charged Bertone with breaking his promise to elevate him to cardinal. Viganò sent a copy of this letter to the pope. In a separate letter to the pontiff, Viganò dropped the Vatican’s “C word”: corruption.
“My transfer right now,” he wrote, “would provoke much disorientation and discouragement in those who have believed it was possible to clean up so many situations of corruption and abuse of power that have been rooted in the management of so many departments.”
In another, he described more “situations of corruption” in which the same firms habitually won contracts at almost “double the cost” charged outside the Vatican. Viganò cited savings from cutting the amount spent on the annual Nativity scene in St. Peter’s Square from 550,000 euros in 2009 to 300,000 euros in 2010.
Viganò’s efforts failed, and he was soon dispatched to Washington. Bertone and Viganò declined to comment.
 
“In other circumstances, such an appointment would be a reason for joy and a sign of great esteem and trust in my regard, but in the present context, it will be perceived by all as a verdict of condemnation of my work, and therefore as a punishment,” Viganò wrote to the pope on July 7, 2011. He suggested that “the Holy Father has certainly been kept in the dark.” The butler agreed and sought an unorthodox way to get the pope’s attention. Through intermediaries, Gabriele reached out to Gianluigi Nuzzi, an Italian investigative reporter. In clandestine coffee bar meetings, anonymous associates of Gabriele vetted Nuzzi, the journalist later wrote, and drove him around in circles to shake loose potential followers. When Nuzzi jumped through sufficient hoops, he met Gabriele in an empty apartment near the Vatican furnished with only a plastic chair. The two established secret Thursday meetings, and Gabriele left letters in drop boxes; Nuzzi sewed a computer thumb drive into his necktie. One day, the butler showed up to the rendezvous empty-handed, only to reveal 13 pages of documents taped to his back, under his jacket. Nuzzi, who referred to his secret source as “Maria,” used the material to write “His Holiness: The Secret Papers of Pope Benedict XVI,” a blockbuster book published last year.
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Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
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Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
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When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
As the media hunted for moles, or “crows” as they are known in Italian, Gabriele’s office mate, Monsignor Georg Gaenswein — a former ski instructor and papal confidant known as Gorgeous George — cracked the case. Vatican gendarmes found 82 boxes of documents in the butler’s apartment and arrested him. He was tried, convicted and jailed for several months before the pope personally pardoned him.
“Seeing evil and corruption everywhere in the church, I finally reached a point of degeneration, a point of no return, and could no longer control myself,” Gabriele explained to Vatican investigators. A shock, “perhaps through the media,” Gabriele continued, could “bring the church back on the right track.”
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If the intention of the leaks was to force the ouster of Tarcisio Bertone — the secretary of state blamed for exiling Viganò and undercutting reforms — the effort failed.
While Benedict was the public face of the universal church, Bertone, for now, remains the private power broker who runs the Vatican on a daily basis. In 2006, Benedict appointed Bertone, his longtime doctrinal sidekick, to secretary of state — the second-most-powerful position in the Vatican. An amiable, soccer aficionado who shares the pope’s passion for cats, Bertone, 78, had little international experience. This prompted concern among the church’s elite diplomatic corps, which interpreted his appointment as a threat to the traditional Vatican career track. Bertone bore out their fears, essentially doing away with papal audiences for returning ambassadors. He ensured that many of the newly elevated cardinals were Italian loyalists, and he adopted a wide-ranging travel schedule that many considered an overreach.
 
Angelo Sodano, John Paul II’s secretary of state and Bertone’s predecessor, has not hidden his disregard. “It was quite visible,” said a former ambassador to the Vatican. “Sodano was a real insider, and you could tell that he thought Bertone was a real outsider and that he had no legitimacy in that position.” But Bertone worked diligently to consolidate power. His allies control the church’s main financial institutions, prompting one official to write in a leaked document that traditional checks and balances had been ignored. “They say that our principal point of reference is the Secretary of State,” the letter read, “yet in many cases he’s precisely the problem.” Bertone’s position also meant he presided over the Vatican Bank, a post he appeared to use to impede Benedict’s financial reforms.
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Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
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Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
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When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
Benedict, for example, had issued a decree for the Vatican to adopt international money-laundering norms to combat the financing of terrorism. This initiative would allow outside auditors to examine the Vatican’s financial books. For an institution historically allergic to scrutiny, this constituted a revolution. He subsequently created a Vatican watchdog to oversee a whole swath of financial activities, from the Vatican Bank to the Vatican pharmacy and supermarket. But the leaked documents depicted Bertone’s efforts to defang Benedict’s watchdog and to keep power for himself.
“Bertone wanted to have a monopoly on relations with Italy,” an Italian official with close ties to the Vatican said.
But there is a pervasive view among some of the Vatican’s top cardinals that, despite the breadth of Bertone’s involvement in church affairs, he is out of his depth. A confidant of many cardinals said that Bertone has personally acknowledged his limitations. According to the insider, many of the Vatican’s highest-ranking prelates have reported that Bertone had tendered his resignation but was turned down by the pope. Few of them foresaw that Benedict would be the first to leave.
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The next pope will inherit a government with a rather Byzantine approach to cleaning house, a place where demotions are peddled as promotions. Like the U.S.-bound Carlo Maria Viganò, many insiders believed the butler’s supervisor, James Michael Harvey, would be shunted aside in royal fashion.
One morning last November, Harvey stepped inside a curtained-off nook of St. Peter’s Basilica to pray at the tomb of John Paul II. For nearly 15 years, Harvey, a tall and gaunt Wisconsin native and comparatively youthful at 63, enjoyed close proximity to John Paul II and then Benedict as head of the papal household. On this day, he would join a handful of other prelates in kneeling down before Benedict, who would bestow birettas upon their heads and elevate them to the exclusive college of cardinals. As horns blasted from high above the basilica’s bronze doors, Harvey, clad in scarlet, led a small and internationally diverse procession down the nave. Lebanese and Nigerian flags waved in the packed pews. A roar went up as Benedict appeared in a gold stole, coasting over the buffed marble on a rolling platform.
 
With the exception of Gabriele, the butler, then locked up in a Vatican jail, all the major players in the leak drama attended. The gendarmes who had raided Gabriele’s top-floor apartment patrolled the floor in blue uniforms with flat-topped caps. Cardinal Bertone prayed in the front row. Among the 97 cardinals illuminated in a shaft of white light behind Bertone, potential “crows” perched. Benedict appointed Harvey to a new job as titular cardinal priest of the St. Paul Outside the Walls basilica. It seemed like the honor of a lifetime, but for Vatican insiders and officials, the move amounted to an exquisite eviction. As the head of the papal household, Harvey had overseen Gabriele, and his new assignment seemed a classic example of promoveatur ut amoveatur — promote to remove. (Benedict later banished his former butler to a silence-encouraging sinecure at a hospital adjoining Harvey’s church.)
Graphic
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Click Here to View Full Graphic Story
Pope Benedict’s bureaucracy
Video
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
When he became Pope, many considered Benedict to be much more conservative than his predecessor John Paul II. Post columnist E.J. Dionne Jr. interviewed Benedict — then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger — nearly 30 years ago and now reflects on the Pope’s legacy.
After the ceremony, Vatican officials charged with running the church shrugged off the scandal.
“They are little things, pebbles in the shoe that hurt so much and seem to prevent you from going forward,” said Cardinal Giovanni Lajolo, who supervised Viganò during the height of VatiLeaks. “If one looks at the act of betrayal, it is in itself a grave act, even more so because it is near the apex of the church. But what does this tell us? It tells us only about the fragility of a person or of some people.”
A few hours after the ceremony, the Vatican offered the public a rare chance to enter the Apostolic Palace, where the pope lives and Gabriele had worked as butler. Inside the palace, Harvey accepted congratulations at the end of the barrel-vaulted Sala Regia.
“We all feel very hurt for him and for what was done,” he said of the butler’s leak. “That’s the common sentiment of all us here, because it was a hard thing to accept. But it’s a difficult thing for the whole church.”
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The Vatican’s reaction to the leak scandal was not to address its inner flaws but to burnish its outer image.
Enter Twitter and Fox News.
Claire Diaz-Ortiz, Twitter’s liaison to religious institutions, wrote the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See looking for a Vatican contact. Soon after, she and Paul Tighe, the No. 2 official at the church’s social communication department, started talking about the possibilities of a Twitter account for the pope. They racked their brains for the perfect handle, but the Vatican’s main concern, Diaz-Ortiz said, was: “ ‘Is there any chance this account is going to get hacked?’ ”
At about the same time, the Vatican hired away a Fox News reporter. In June, Bertone’s office rang Gregory Burke, a veteran correspondent in Rome and member of Opus Dei, a conservative and influential Catholic lay organization. They wanted him to bring a “common-sense journalistic view of how things are going to play out” to the church, Burke said, adding that they needed someone to “help craft the message.”
Burke, well-liked and respected by reporters, doesn’t look like a Vatican operative. On a rainy afternoon, he showed up late at a restaurant near the Pantheon in a trench coat, swinging a long umbrella. With his thicket of auburn hair and ruddy complexion, he looks more corn- than cannelloni-fed.
“I’m within the 15-minute Roman grace period,” he said in Italian. Burke’s approach to media, like his Italian, bears a strong American accent. “I would love to bring some Roger Ailes into this job,” he said. “The difference is Roger Ailes has a lot of power, and I have very little.”
Since joining the Vatican, Burke has sought to make the Vatican media operation less reactive. He said there remains within the Vatican a view that the church will survive another 2,000 years regardless of scandals, and while that might be true, “you can do a lot of harm in the meantime.” He organized a field trip for reporters to the Vatican Bank, housed in a round 15th-century fortress that sits below the Apostolic Palace like a footstool. He has proposed embedding a virtual tour of the bank on the Vatican Web site. “From a normal press point of view, it’s not thinking outside the box,” he acknowledged.
Burke and company developed a two-pronged damage-control strategy to confront the leak scandal: heap blame on the butler as a simpleton suffering delusions of grandeur and use the Vatican trial that convicted the butler as evidence of the church’s commitment to transparency.
“I don’t think we got enough credit for what we’ve done,” Burke said. “It might not have been perfect. But 10 years ago, would there have been an open trial?”
The Vatican pointed back to the butler’s day in court and the pool of eight reporters taking notes as exhibit A for openness. “There was a sense of great responsibility to guarantee the transparency,” said head judge Giuseppe Dalla Torre, noting that the defense wanted to keep the trial private. “The entire international press would have said, ‘What is this?’ They observed it, saw it, heard it.”
They didn’t hear everything. During the trial, Dalla Torre relied on the Vatican’s 19th-century penal code to forbid Gabriele from discussing his contact with assorted cardinals. According to the law, Gabriele hadn’t disclosed the substance of those conversations before trial and so couldn’t do so in the courtroom.
Some church officials acknowledge that there needs to be greater commitment to openness among the Vatican’s leaders. Archbishop Claudio Maria Celli runs the Pontifical Council for Social Communications, which has been on the forefront of the church’s engagement in social media. Celli pointed to his lips: “You see, what I say here,” he said, moving his finger to his temple, “starts here.” But here, he added, as his finger lingered, “has to enter a new culture. And the new culture is sharing.”
But even with the trial over, the Vatican’s focus has remained on the message, rather than on changing the culture. In December, reporters packed into a Vatican briefing theater for a news conference to introduce the world to the Twitter account @pontifex, meaning both “pope” and “bridge builder.”
The pope’s Twitter followers went from single digits to 2,000 in 30 minutes. (@pontifex currently has more than 1.5 million followers.) The panelists made the case for Benedict using Twitter to drop “pearls of wisdom,” and they answered questions about the account’s infallibility (“it’s a papal teaching”) and its durability (it would be used after Benedict’s departure).
After the news conference, Diaz-Ortiz, the Twitter liaison who had flown to Rome for the event, said the “launch plan” for the pope was “similar to the Obama town hall but obviously a much more toned-down version.” The main takeaway of the day, she said, was “the pope joining Twitter should just be an encouragement for all of us to essentially keep tweeting.” In return, the Vatican got a greater presence in the modern world. It also, as the packed briefing room attested, shifted the subject for the media away from scandal.
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On a rainy December day, Benedict clapped along with jugglers, lion tamers and puppeteers in the Vatican’s Clementine Hall as the church opened its arms to the world of itinerant circus performers. While a woman wearing a cat mask twirled four hula hoops in the hall, Monsignor Giuseppe Sciacca was chauffeured across a piazza behind Vatican walls to greet a visitor.
“Good morning, dottore!” Sciacca called from the passenger seat of a small blue Volkswagen. Sciacca, the successor of Viganò, the central player in the leaks scandal, is a sprightly and gregarious Sicilian who walks around Rome doffing his hat to the waiters and storekeepers. He tends to stop walking when he has something to say, with the expectation that his audience will stop to listen.
Sciacca, who will play a principal role in organizing the papal transition, has a reputation for intelligence and honesty, but unlike his reform-minded predecessor, he is considered loyal to Tarcisio Bertone, Benedict’s No. 2. When asked for an interview as he window-shopped for vestments on Via dei Cestari, behind the Pantheon, he said he first needed to see the questions and get permission to talk. He shrugged off the suggestion that an official request should go through the Vatican press office.
He would need permission, he said, from Bertone.
As the Volkswagen rolled to his Vatican apartment, Sciacca claimed that he had overruled Bertone and his lieutenants in agreeing to an interview. “They told me not to talk to you!” he said, jokingly comparing himself to a “shepherd who invites in the wolf.”
The driver pulled up to Palazzo San Carlo, a centuries-old apartment building opposite the Vatican’s private gas station. Above the few steps, renovated with wheelchair access for the aged prelates, a polished gold plate held the names of the building’s residents. On a lower floor were offices belonging to one of the Vatican’s financial institutions. On the top floor lived one of the cardinals Gabriele had named as a sympathizer to his concerns about the Vatican.
Sciacca’s home is a spacious L-shaped apartment warmed by thousands of books broken into sections reflecting his years as a Latinist, high school teacher of literature and philosophy, canonist and judge on the church court. He pointed out a portrait of Benedict overlooking the hallway that he had commissioned.
“Economics, the budget, transparency! This is what I think about,” he said. “It cost a couple hundred of euros. It’s not necessary to spend more. Plus Michelangelo’s not around anymore.”
Sciacca had his good-governance talking points down. In the corner of his bedroom, opposite a purple clerical robe hung on the outside of a wooden armoire, a single bed lay under a modest comforter. (“I’m single” he joked.) In the study was a faux-marble statue of the Good Shepherd with a sheep draped over his shoulders that he had picked up “at a good price in the Vatican museums,” he said.
Over espresso and a couple of slices of pandoro at the kitchen table, covered in mandarin oranges and marmalades offered to him at the morning’s Mass, Sciacca said he’d later offer a tour of the Vatican grounds “with my cheap car. I’ve always had little cars because when I was a kid in Sicily, I noticed that people got angry if they saw priests in luxury cars. Decorum, yes, solemnity in worship and the liturgy, but the private life should always be poor.”
He took a seat on a burgundy leather couch in his study and read six typed pages he had prepared in response to transparency questions.
He paid heed to “my predecessor, the former Secretary General Viganò,” for imposing more rigorous checks on spending and the rewarding of contracts, which “I maintained and enhanced.” As a testament to his belt-tightening, he pointed to the church-owned organic cattle farm outside Rome that provided the Vatican with less-expensive beef. Mindful of the exorbitant costs Viganò targeted for the Nativity scene in St. Peter’s Square, Sciacca focused on a cut-rate deal he had reached on a centerpiece.
“This year, we will have a full savings,” he said. He added that the pope was pleased about the budget discipline, that the region was delighted about the publicity and that the Vatican workers expressed no misgivings.
“They were all happy. They congratulated me. They said, ‘What good news!’ If they were angry they would have demonstrated their own dishonesty,” he said, referring to the workers. With his script lowered, he continued: “They’re not so stupid. This is also the proof that everyone worked well.”
Sciacca offered a hard copy of his answers and a jar of peach marmalade as he selected a bottle of wine for his lunch meeting with a powerful French cardinal from the diplomatic corps. Sciacca asked a Washington Post reporter to put his number in the prelate’s phone, an old flip-style cell. The reporter accidentally stumbled upon Sciacca’s list of contacts and backed off. “Go ahead!” Sciacca said. “There aren’t any mobsters in there. There’s nothing to hide.”
Downstairs, he asked a gendarmes officer to lend him a driver and a car, small and economical, he specified, to escort his guest on a tour of the sprawling, immaculate gardens. From the passenger seat, he pointed out elaborate fountains, the old Vatican train station and the grotto where Benedict takes a walk every afternoon. The tour concluded at St. Anne’s Gate, near where the butler was then being held. Sciacca promised an electronic copy of his answers on a disk. He later provided a Verbatim floppy disk.
Minutes later, the Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, called an unexpected news conference across St. Peter’s, where tourists posed in front of a circus tent, a clown performed magic tricks and workers set up the season’s Nativity scene.
The Gabriele affair, Lombardi said, should be considered a “closed chapter.” He stepped off the stage and noted how the pope, out of his respect for transparency, had studiously kept out of the butler’s trial to ensure the independence of the judges.
The theater door opened and the sound of a circus troupe playing “March of the Wooden Soldiers” filled the press office. Among the journalists filing their stories was Giovanna Chirri, the Italian reporter who would on Feb. 11 break the news of the pope’s resignation. “Guys,” she shouted to her colleagues over the band, “You think it’s a metaphor that the circus is in town?”